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Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Automatization. Mostrar todas las entradas

17.7.16

The maid, the clerk, the doctor & their computer: so now, what?





This article is written together with Eduardo Giménez, Professor of Economics at the University of Vigo. It is the first part out of four, which will be published in this blog. The full article will be published in the book "Automatization" , which will be published by the European Liberal Forum at the end of the year.
 



This morning, the newspaper picks up that, as every year, Shanghai hosts the trade fair CES ASIA for the consumer technology industry. A company named Bubble Lab presented at the fair a sophisticated robotic arm capable of preparing tea, coffee, and cocktails. After the service, it even cleans the table and leaves it spotless. Mr. Shen Li, representing the company at the fair, says “I do not know if it's true that is going to end human work, but the fact is that machines can perform ever more complicated tasks”. So far, computers and computer-controlled equipment have replaced human labor in a wide variety of tasks. Yet, as well the above anecdote illustrates, technological developments can widely expand the set of tasks which can be performed by machines. Many already suspect that all tasks not requiring creativity will be made in the near future by machines.

Redistribution

A question then arises: in such event, what shall await all those who do not have the necessary skills, namely, creativity? The American film Elysium, released in 2013, describes a dystopian future in which machines perform most tasks. People who have been replaced by machines barely survive on a degraded planet Earth, while small elite inhabits an artificial satellite orbiting our planet. The film is just science fiction. However, you can imagine a society in which a high-skill minority performs tasks highly complementary for technological capital and concentrates most of income and wealth, while most people survives by producing low-price goods in highly automatized productive process (see Cowen (2013)).

We do not pretend to claim that we shall get to this situation. Nonetheless, thinking a future in which automatization of productive processes and increasing importance of non-rivalries give rise to a polarized society can be convenient in order to consider new and more suitable ways of redistribution. Proposal such as basic income (Van Parijs (1995)), the distribution of ownership of some productive assets (Paine (1797), Roemer (1994)), or a negative income tax (Friedman (1968)) should be discussed, especially the last one. The big challenge comes from combining the new mechanisms of redistribution with the necessary incentives for prosperity. However, the advantages of these redistributive proposals should not be ignored because they would allow reducing direct state intervention in the provision of goods and services such as education, health, social assistance and social insurance.

Education

An education system which fosters creativity and provides the suitable knowledge for the new technological reality is urgently needed in order to successfully meet the new technological challenges. We know, this is nothing but a vague generalization. However, many authors have recognized that educational systems suffer from sclerosis. Goldin and Katz (2008) blame the US educational system for not having sufficiently adapted to the demands of the new reality and they do it accountable, at least partially, for the increase in wage inequality in the United States (see also Acemoglu and Autor (2012)). Brynjolfsson and McAfee (2014) ask for redirecting the educational system from its focus on reading and mathematics, typical of the industrial era, towards a broader set of intellectual and personal skills. Even UNESCO held in 2015 a World Education Forum "Rethinking Education". Thus, this institution is aware that something is going wrong with the worldwide education systems.

We do not want to be so presumptuous to pretend to know what changes the education system should exactly perform. Notwithstanding, we dare to claim our conviction that the inability of the education system to adapt to new times has a lot to do with state interventionism. To overcome atrophy, it is required that the state interventionism in Education decreases. Thereby, new educational alternatives will arise from competition and the subsequent processes of creative destruction. Introducing school vouchers would be helpful (Friedman (1955)). Vouchers already exist in Sweden and Denmark, but not in most of European countries. However, the school voucher is not enough. The state must give up the tight control of the education system. Educational innovation will not be possible if it is subject to the restrictions imposed by a straitjacket.

In a changing world, in which many workers are at risk of being displaced from their jobs by machines, it is important to be very aware the needs of recycling of these workers. Therefore, the reskilling of workers and training support for unemployed are key issues. Once again, the best way to achieve the objectives in this area is to abandon the direct state intervention and to allow that the markets work. To this end, the severance pays should be substituted for periodic contributions to worker's capitalization funds (the so-called Austrian fund), which could be used for reskilling, and the unemployed workers should be provided with training vouchers with which to finance their preferred training courses given by the provider that they consider most suitable.

           Taxes and regulations

Tax systems should also be adapted to the new technological reality. In many countries, Spain is a good example, labor incomes are excessively burdened by taxes. If machines and overseas labor are replacing domestic workers in performing many tasks, labor income can no longer bear the tax burden. In particular, welfare state funding should not mainly fall on labor income any longer, as it currently happens in many countries. The contributions to social security and other charges on labor should be cut back, as well as more flexible labor relationships should be allowed.

Reducing the tax burden on labor without a dramatic increase in other taxes, it might be only possible if welfare state efficiency is improved. This would likely require new organizational models in public services. Greater individual freedom to choose and increased competition would help to promote efficiency. Higher capitalization of the pension systems, accompanied by a higher level of private participation in their management, a higher weight of the private sector in providing health services, and a higher private participation in employment insurances and active employment policies are some directions to improve. Moreover, substituting machines for workers and the growing importance of new forms of human capital might affect the birth rate, which would have significant impact on the pension system.

The market regulations could hinder innovation. The regulation of GMOs in Europe or the difficulties faced by the so-called share economy –a silly name, certainly- to enter in hyper-regulated markets are some examples of how regulation can hinder innovation. Particular consideration should be given to financial regulation. The regulation of financial markets should also be cautious. Otherwise, innovative activities may suffer due to difficulties to be financed. Thus, eliminating some regulatory barriers and rethinking regulation seems necessary to face the new technological reality.

Moreover, polarization of the labor market reflects that large sections of the middle-class may currently be adversely affected by new technologies, at least in the short term. Everyone is aware of the importance of the middle class preferences in determining public policies in a democratic society. The reaction to technological change may lead, therefore, to successful demands for greater barriers to trade or to technological adoption, as well as to pressures to implement redistributive policies in favor of these sections of the middle-class (more public employment oriented to these sections, for instance).  One cannot help thinking that some recent political processes in Europe follow this logic.

Convergence

Information and communications technologies are expanding and facilitating access to information (and, thus, to knowledge and technology) to everyone anywhere. This, together with reduced transport costs and the elimination of political obstacles to mobility of goods and productive factors, is facilitating interactions at a global scale and technological adoption by developing countries. Friedman (2006) asserts that, after the end of the eighties, we are in a new stage of globalization (which he calls globalization 3.0).

If technological progress is equalizing opportunities for countries (flattening the world, as Friedman (2006) likes to say), then one should not be surprised to observe in the near future the proliferation of spectacular economic miracles and a rapid change in the geo-economic map. However, the spread of prosperity-promoting institutions around the world cannot stop. Institutions securing property rights and ensuring a free and open society are indispensable for innovation and accumulation. If so, access to information facilitates technological adoption and, consequently, the rapid convergence of the laggards to the most advanced will be seen. However, it must be borne in mind the flip side. A country that rest on its laurels may experience a rapid relative decline.

Democracy

Finally, the main problem that any organization must to solve is to transmit all relevant information to all concerned agents. The information and communications technologies facilitate processing and transmitting information. Therefore, the development of information and communications technologies might induce, in the near future, institutional changes that would improve the functioning of state.

References

Acemoglu, D. & Autor, D. H. (2012). What does human capital do? A review of Goldin and Katz's The race between education and technology. NBER Working Paper 17820.

Brynjolfsson, E., & McAfee, A. (2014). The second machine age: work, progress, and prosperity in a time of brilliant technologies. WW Norton & Company.

Cowen, T. (2013). Average is over: powering America beyond the age of the great stagnation. Penguin Publishing Group.

Friedman, M. (1955). The role of government in education. Economics and the Public Interest.

Friedman, M. (1968). The case for the negative income tax: a view from the right. Issues in American Public Policy. Ed. JH Bunzel. Englewood: New Jersy, 111-120.

Friedman, T. L. (2006). The world is flat: The globalized world in the twenty-first century (pp. 3-543). London: Penguin.

Goldin, C., & Katz, L. (2008). The race between technology and education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard.

Paine, T. (2004). Agrarian Justice (1797). In The Origins of Universal Grants (pp. 3-16). Palgrave Macmillan UK.

Roemer, J. E. (1994). A future for socialism. Harvard University Press.

Van Parijs, P. (1995). Real Freedom for All: What (If Anything) Can Justify Capitalism?. Clarendon Press.

3.7.16

The maid, the clerk, the doctor & their computer: automatization



This article is written with Eduardo Giménez, Professor of Economics at the University of Vigo. It is the first part out of four, which will be published in this blog. The full article will be published in the book "Automatization" , which will be published by the European Liberal Forum at the end of the year.


Rarely, technical change is neutral. The introduction of new technologies makes obsolete the old ones, monopoly rents associated with the possession of old technologies dissipate, demand for certain occupations enlarges, while demand for other falls, a new elite of millionaires arises, the leadership among nations changes,... Technological change brings allocative and distributive changes that have an impact on all spheres of our lives.

   The rise and development of the information and communications technologies has represented different opportunities for the maid, the clerk and the doctor. The computer has been a complement to the tasks of the doctor. The clerk has been witness that she has been gradually replaced by computers in many of her tasks. The computer has not significantly altered the tasks of the maid. Obviously, their wages and employment opportunities have reacted to these changes. But, in order to understand these changes, let's go bit by bit. 

The race between education and technology

The path of technical change caused by the rise and development of the information and communications technologies has been skill-biased (see Katz and Murphy (1992)). This means that the computers and computer-controlled equipment have significantly increased productivity of the high-skill workers, while their impact on the productivity of the low-skill workers has been less prominent. Consequently, relative demand of high-skill workers increased and, thus, their relative wages rose. Some empirical research reports a statistical correlation between the use of information and communications technologies and either the employment share of skilled workers or their wage share (see Bartel and Lichtenberg (1987) and Autor, Katz and Krueger (1998))

During the eighties, the skill premium –measured as the ratio of the wage earned by a worker with college education to the wage earned by a worker with high-school education- has undergone a rapid increase in most of the developed countries (see Figure 1). The increase in the skill premium happened despite the long-standing uptrend in the relative supply of college workers, which put downward pressure on the skill premium (see Figure 2). Therefore, the rate of skill-biased technical change had to be high enough to offset this downward pressure. Consequently, wage inequality was the outcome of a race between technology and education, using the famous expression of Tinbergen (1974) which gives the title to the book by Goldin and Katz (2008). Moreover, it may well have happened that the increase in the supply of skilled workers has encouraged skill-biased innovation (see Acemoglu (1998)).

However, the rate of increase of the skill premium decreased after the beginning of the nineties. Moreover, after the end of the eighties, as pointed in our first installment, the relationship between changes in the wage distribution and skill is no longer monotonic. Therefore, the relationship between technical change, wages and skills must be more complex than the one established by the explanation based on a path of skill-biased technical change.


Figure 1


Source: Acemoglu and Autor (2011). Data for the United States.


Figure 2

Source. Acemoglu and Autor (2011). Data for the United States.



The race against the machine

The routinization hypothesis (Autor, Levy and Murnane (2003)) holds that computer and computer-controlled equipment have substituted for workers in the routine tasks because computers and computer-controlled equipment are highly productive and reliable at performing the tasks that programmers can script, which are procedural, rule-based activities. This means that the development of information and communications technology has led to a race between machines and workers. The issue is extensively addressed by Brynjolfsson and McAfee in two books (Brynjolfsson and McAfee (2011, 2014)). We have taken the liberty of using title of the former book to head this section. An excellent press article by Autor and Dorn (2013) also addresses this issue.

The routinization hypothesis can be seen as a sophisticated re-elaboration of the skill-biased technical change hypothesis. According to this explanation, technical progress is biased, but not in so simple way as asserted by the skill-biased technical change hypothesis. In particular, technical change is not skill-biased, but task-biased.

Acemoglu and Autor (2011) classify occupations in four categories according to the kind of performed tasks. (1) Non-routine cognitive task-intensive occupations (managerial, professional and technical occupations), (2) routine cognitive task-intensive occupations (sales, clerical and administrative support occupations), (3) routine manual task-intensive occupations (production, craft, repair, and operative occupations), and (4) non-routine manual task-intensive occupations (service occupations between which food preparation and serving, cleaning and janitorial work, grounds cleaning and maintenance, in-person health assistance by home aides, and numerous jobs in security and protective services can be mentioned).

Non-routine cognitive tasks are highly complementary to information and communications technologies, while non-routine manual tasks, even being less complementary to information and communications technologies, cannot be replaced by computers and computer-controlled equipment because they require situational adaptability, visual and language recognition, and in-person interactions. However, routine tasks –both manual and cognitive- can be easily replaced for computers and computer-controlled equipment.

As reported by Acemoglu and Autor (2011), since the late eighties, the U.S. labor market has undergone (1) an increase of employment in non-routine cognitive task-intensive occupations; (2) an increase of employment in non-routine manual task-intensive service occupations; and (3) a decline of employment in middle-skill, routine task-intensive occupations (see Figure 3). Figure 4 and Figure 5 display changes in young-male and young-female employment for different occupations in several European countries.


Figure 3


Source: Acemoglu and Autor (2011). Data for the United States.



Figure 4

Source: Acemoglu and Autor (2011). 


Figure 5

Source: Acemoglu and Autor (2011).


Therefore, the maid, the clerk and the doctor are affected by computers in different ways. The relative demand of the clerks falls because they are replaced by computers in many tasks and her wage falls relatively to the wages of the doctor and the maid. Moreover, the doctor can significantly increase her earnings taking advantage of the information and communications technologies.

According to the routinization hypothesis, there still remains a link between technical change and skill. The reason is that non routine cognitive task-intensive occupations are mostly performed by highly-skill workers, routine task-intensive occupations are mostly performed by middle-skill workers, and non-routine manual task-intensive occupations are mostly performed by low-skill workers. However, differently to the skill-biased technical change, the relationship between technical change and skill is not monotonic, which means that technical change favored the high- and low-skill worker relatively to the middle-skill workers. Moreover, the routinization hypothesis emphasizes the tasks associated to a job as a main determinant of the wages of the workers (see Autor and Handel (2013)).

Michaels, Natraj and Van Reenen (2010) shows that demand for high-skill workers between 1980 and 2004 increased more in the industries which increased relatively more their use of the information and communications technologies, while the demand for middle-skill workers fell rapidly. However, demand for low-skill workers were broadly unaffected by the investment the industries made in information and communications technologies.

In the next installment, we address the question of how globalization is affecting the labor market.

References

Acemoglu, D. (1998). Why do new technologies complement skills? Directed technical change and wage inequality. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 113(4), 1055-1089.

Acemoglu, D., & Autor, D. H. (2011). Skills, tasks and technologies: Implications for employment and earnings. Handbook of Labor Economics, 4, 1043-1171.

Autor, D. H., & Dorn, D. (2013). How technology wrecks the middle class. The New York Times, 24.

Autor, D. H. & Handel, M. J. (2013). Putting tasks to the test: Human capital, job tasks, and wages. Journal of Labor Economics, 31(2 Part 2), S59-S96.

Autor, D., Katz, L. F., & Krueger, A. B. (1998). Computing inequality: Have computers changed the labor market?. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 113(4), 1169-1213.

Autor, D., Levy, F., & Murnane, R. J. (2003). The skill content of recent technological change: An empirical exploration. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 118(4), 1279-1333.

Bartel, A. P., & Lichtenberg, F. R. (1987). The comparative advantage of educated workers in implementing new technology. The Review of Economics and Statistics, 1-11.

Brynjolfsson, E., & McAfee, A. (2011). Race against the machine: How the digital revolution is accelerating innovation, driving productivity, and irreversibly transforming employment and the economy. Digital Frontier Press, Lexington, MA.

Brynjolfsson, E., & McAfee, A. (2014). The second machine age: work, progress, and prosperity in a time of brilliant technologies. WW Norton & Company.

Goldin, C., & Katz, L. (2008). The race between technology and education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard.

Katz, L. F., & Murphy, K. M. (1992). Changes in Relative Wages, 1963–1987: Supply and Demand Factors. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 107(1), 35-78.

Michaels, G., Natraj, A., & Van Reenen, J.  (2010). Has ICT Polarized Skill Demand? Evidence from eleven Countries over 25 Years. NBER working paper 16138.

Tinbergen, J. (1974). Substitution of graduate by other labor. Kyklos, 27, 217-26.